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Can they keep investors and exporters happy and, at the same time, manage demands from the street? It may be possible in the short term because of rising export prices for many of the region’s exports. But high export prices will not continue forever. Over the long-term, then, answers are clouded in uncertainty. As Tussie puts it succinctly in this volume, governments face the realpolitik dilemmas of avoiding open confrontation with powerful, established commercial interests while at the same time enhancing and maintaining important domestic civil society support to shore up their domestic popularity.
D E M O C R A C Y A F T E R T H E WA S H I N G T O N C O N S E N S U S 29 The extent of civic, and most particularly social, inclusion in regional democracies in the twentieth century, even in Chile and Uruguay which were regarded as the most successful and stable, were actually quite limited; the secret ballot was, for example, introduced as late as 1958 in Chile. In Bolivia and Peru, meanwhile, elite prejudices of both class and race combined to marginalize and exclude most of the countries’ poor and indigenous communities.
But what exactly are the new governments in Latin America doing that is different from the open economy approaches of the 1990s? Let us begin here by taking note of the strength of the leftward shift in Latin America. The election of Chávez in Venezuela in 1998 was followed by Lula in Brazil in 2002 (reelected in 2006), Néstor Kirchner in Argentina in 2003 (and then Cristina Fernández Kirchner in 2008), Tabaré Vasquez in Uruguay in 2004, Evo Morales in Bolivia in 2005, Michelle Bachelet in Chile in 2006, Rafael Correa in Ecuador in 2006, and Fernando Lugo in Paraguay in 2008.