By N. Briscoe
Britain was once arguably the only maximum catalyst and beneficiary of UN peacekeeping operations throughout the post-war interval. This booklet analyses the explanations for this, together with the post-colonial conflicts which Britain passed the UN and its decision to make sure that peacekeeping developed in a fashion appropriate with united kingdom nationwide pursuits. regardless of preliminary ambivalence approximately letting the UN run army operations, Britain many times used the association, to shed colonial obligations, shop face, proportion policing burdens, and stabilise conflicts in delicate areas. This complete survey first examines united kingdom event with antecedents of UN operations, significantly nineteenth century colonial policing and missions manage below the League of countries. It then analyses British efforts to steer, comprise and take advantage of person UN operations, together with the Emergency strength verified following the Suez challenge (1956-67), the strength within the Congo (1960-64), and the iconic operation in Cyprus (1967-). additionally lined are numerous circumstances whilst British Governments hottest to interfere unilaterally, together with in Jordan and Kuwait. one of many major contributions of the ebook is the specific research of inner united kingdom executive and UN documents, which the writer makes use of to reconstruct the coverage making strategy. The publication additionally sheds mild at the peacekeeping regulations of definite different key states, fairly the U.S. and USSR. ultimately, the account addresses a few problems with modern relevance, together with the stress among neutrality and impartiality, peacekeeping in a semi-permissive atmosphere, and using strength.
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Additional info for Britain and UN Peacekeeping 1948–67
Early UN peacekeeping was a remarkably proWestern animal: since there was not yet a bar on participation by all permanent members of the Security Council, the United States contributed observers to both UNTSO and UNMOGIP, and neither mission included military observers from East bloc countries. This helped safeguard British interests. Thus, the Cold War’s adverse impact on the United Nations’ relevance in the security field was not a disaster for Britain. In the years immediately following 1945, the USSR was outnumbered and on the defensive; in addition, the General Assembly was quiescent, with little of the overt hostility to British policies which would emerge as newly independent former colonies joined the Organization in the 1950s and 1960s.
If we accept this fact we must base our policy upon it and get rid of outworn conceptions. 36 Until the United Nations had proved itself he did not intend to entrust British security to it and he was one of those behind the decision in January 1947 to pursue the development of a British atomic bomb. Military Staff Committee discussions In 1946 the Military Staff Committee commenced discussions on the armed forces to be placed at the UN’s disposal. The deadlock into which the negotiations ran portended, on a smaller scale, the paralysis which would so frequently afflict the Organization as a whole.
Although this principle was articulated by a British commander, General Brind, it took time to permeate British thinking: rhetoric about Britain’s special expertise in peacekeeping, derived from its pre-UN experience, was particularly evident during the creation of UNMOGIP and was to endure for many years. It also suffused the 1949 British guidelines on imperial policing. That these were reissued at the same time as the UN was fashioning its more neutral observer missions was bound to blur the distinction between the two approaches to maintaining peace.