China and India: Prospects for Peace by Jonathan Holslag

By Jonathan Holslag

For all their awesome development, China and India needs to nonetheless elevate 100 million voters out of poverty and create jobs for the various employees. either powers desire exchange and funding will maintain nationwide cohesion. For the 1st time, Jonathan Holslag identifies those pursuits as new assets of competition and argues that China and India can't develop with out fierce contest.

Though he acknowledges that either nations desire to keep strong family members, Holslag argues that luck in imposing monetary reform will cave in to clash. This contention is already tangible in Asia as an entire, the place moving styles of financial impression have altered the stability of strength and feature ended in shortsighted regulations that undermine nearby balance. Holslag additionally demonstrates that regardless of twenty years of peace, mutual perceptions became adverse, and an army online game of tit-for-tat can provide to decrease clients for peace.

Holslag accordingly refutes the suggestion that improvement and interdependence bring about peace, and he does so by way of embedding wealthy empirical proof inside of broader debates on diplomacy idea. His booklet is down-to-earth and sensible whereas additionally making an allowance for the complexities of inner policymaking. the result's a desirable portrait of the advanced interplay between financial, political, army, and perceptional degrees of diplomacy.

(12/22/09)

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Extra resources for China and India: Prospects for Peace

Sample text

In this context, the pressure to stand firm on the border question only intensified. In India Nehru came under fire from the Lok Sabha, where several members accused him of lacking toughness in dealing with China. 26 The border dispute gave political adversaries a stick for lashing out. 27 When the 1959 Tibetan uprising was suppressed by the People’s Liberation Army, the exodus of the Dalai Lama to India with thousands of refugees in his wake provoked a storm of protests in several Indian cities.

Nonalignment and Swadeshi, economic independence and self-sufficiency, would restore national pride and to a certain extent a chauvinism on the part of Indian citizens after having gone through an era of subjugation. Foreign politics well suited the buildup of Mao’s and Nehru’s personal influence and status. Both leaders saw external affairs as a source of internal legitimacy and as a powerful lever for strengthening their ideological leadership. Whereas domestic politics remained the realm of various opposing interest groups, external relations could be easily monopolized.

Self-sustaining became the buzzword in economic planning. At the end of the 1950s, this policy came under severe pressure, and consequently also the legitimacy of Mao and Nehru. Yet, their responses differed significantly. The former opted for a counteroffensive against criticism, whereas the latter chose to step back and reduce the political grip on India’s economy. Two decades later both countries seemed to be in a similar position again. The personality cults of Indira Gandhi and Mao ended in chaos and disarray.

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